Iraq: What to do now, post-ISIS, in Iraq?

Mosul has been liberated after almost nine months of gruesome fighting and Iraqi forces move to secure its western borders and attack the last ISIS-pocket in the Hawija region. In Syria the terror group is losing ground fast in central Syria as Assad forces are gaining ground fast and moving east in an effort to lift the siege on Deir Ez-Zour while Raqqa is being attacked by US-backed forces. Most of the self-proclaimed caliphate’s prominent commanders are dead and it’s caliph is rumoured to be dead as well.  It would seem like the once unstoppable and feared Islamic State is clinging on to life and will soon be defeated. But how does a region recover from a chapter as violent as this and how do these governments move forward without making the mistakes that could lead to a similar outcome?

The Iraqi government has a great number of hurdles to overcome if it seeks to establish itself as a credible government for its citizens, the region and the world. There’s the sectarian divide, the lack of confidence in the central government, a lack of structure, vision and compensation in the rebuilding effort in the numerous towns and cities that have to be rebuilt, insecurity on how jihadists, their families and supporters will be dealt with by the courts, if at all. And there is much, much more to needs to be addressed…

The conflict in Iraq has left a deep sectarian divide between its numerous communities and if it is not addressed in a way where it succeeds in convincing these communities to come and work together for a better future it is only a matter of time before a new group seeks to undermine the government and plunges the country into chaos once more. It is not just the Sunni, Shia but the numerous other ethnic minorities that mustn’t be forgotten now as the trauma and horror they had to suffer through has basically destroyed their trust in people that are not of their community. Kurds, Christians, Syriacs, Yazidis and Turkmen and all the others need to be involved in the new social and political process and they should be given a place to voice the concerns of their respective communities.

Confidence has to be restored in the central government by ending the widespread corruption that has caused so many problems and dissent in the Iraqi society. Launching numerous infrastructure projects could the people back to work so they can start providing an income for themselves. Roads, houses, plants would be rebuilt and the people could start to move back into a place of their own. Priority should be given to vital infrastructure and large housing projects and gradually expanding it across the rest of the area.

All the communities in Iraq need to be given the assurance that justice will be another of the top priorities of its government, by eventually putting all the jihadists whether they are Iraqi or foreigners that have been captured on trial for their crimes against the Iraqi people. They could also be put on trial in their own countries as well as the Hague. It could provide some closure for the people and would establish a credible foundation that the time of executions in dark cells and behind closed doors is over. It also sends a clear signal to the surviving members of the group and possible recruits in the region and the rest of the world. The need for a process here is because there needs to be an attempt to distinguish the hard-core believers from those who collaborated and those who were forced in the movement. For example, numerous young women were married to jihadists so that a family member could gain a more prominent position within the organization. These women and their children are now at risk of being evicted, exiled or even being killed as they are branded as a part of the organization. The exclusion and shunning of these single-parent families could result in frustrated, disconnected youths that could be preyed upon by extremist groups.

There is also the matter of the Kurdish Regional Government that seeks to become an independent state. The Iraqi Kurds’ fight against ISIS has allowed them to conquer a lot of territory which they now lay claim to. Several of these territories are disputed by Baghdad and it is unclear as of yet whether these territories will be returned to Iraqi control. Resolving these issues would go a long way to providing security for the new border regions and the population growing increasingly weary of the possibility of a new conflict.

The influence of Iran in Iraq has also be checked and its proxies in the country, the Popular Mobilisation Units (PMU) need to be disbanded. More importantly, their weapons need to be turned over to the regular Iraqi forces to avoid that these will be used to force the Iraqi government to comply with Teheran’s wishes.

The Iraqi government has to move fast and decisively because the clock is ticking. Now that victory has been declared over ISIS in Mosul the thousands of displaced people will want to return to their homes. With the city in ruins and no access to drinkable water, electricity or health services it is only a matter of time before the people will start to voice their concerns. Iraqi security forces will have to deal with this in a correct manner to avoid unnecessary escalations, since there are already reports of illegal executions by government forces of suspected jihadists in the Mosul area and it won’t be long until the finger-pointing will lead to the arrests and deaths of innocent people.



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Syria: Why the Assad-coalition is not interested in peace as of yet

The Syrian Civil war might be an absolute nightmare in terms of destruction, casualties and political complexity but it would seem that the major players in the conflict have their own goals before they will make a genuine effort to bring an end to the fighting.

There have been some serious shifts in the balance of power during this conflict and at the moment it seems that all parties involved are taking a moment to consider their next big move in order to force a breakthrough. This article is aimed at giving an overview of the factions involved that have a lot to win and lose.

The Assad-coalition:

The Assad-regime

The Assad regime consists of mainly a Shia minority (and members from other ethno-religious communities who have proven their loyalty) in the government and the broad security and military apparatus that was established back in the 70s when Hafez al-Assad took power.

The Assad regime had to deal with numerous setbacks early on in the Syrian Uprising as thousands of men that were called upon to return to the barracks and take up arms against the rebels, refused to do so. They either joined the opposition groups or fled to neighbouring countries to avoid being drafted. What meagre forces that could be mustered had to be bolstered with patriotic and opportunistic men who joined the National Defence Forces and were given weapons to hold onto as much territory as possible while the regime’s elite units were rushing from one crisis to another. As much of the country’s wealth is in the hands of the privileged few, many chose to back the regime out of necessity and survival rather than duty since a defeat would result in the loss of all their assets in Syria. 

Its initial strategy to have a military presence in all corners of Syria in order to argue that it remains in control of its sovereign territory resulted in the Syrian Arab Forces being dispersed to a dangerous level. The regime was therefor forced to carefully pick and choose its battles to avoid losses that it could not replenish afterwards, or having to defend territory that it would not be able to hold. As the different opposition groups moved against Assad forces, it often came down to the commanders in the field to make the difference. For example, When Deir ez-Zour came under siege by the jihadists of the Islamic State and was under serious threat, republican guard general Issam Zahreddine was sent in to hold onto the city at all costs. His leadership skills and inspiring presence at the front lines helped the men under his command to hold onto the territory despite being under tremendous pressure. Another example is the commander of the now famous Tiger Forces, Suheil al-Hassan, his unwavering loyalty and leadership made him the ideal candidate to lead an elite unit that would be the deciding factor in numerous offensives across Syria, whether it was blocking an enemy offensive and reversing all their gains or spearheading an offensive.

Bashar al-Assad vowed to retake all of Syria many times and now, with the backing of powerful regional and global powers, it would seem that he is well on his way to do so. It seems unlikely that he will accept an agreement which would result in the division of Syrian territory or where he would be forced to share power with both moderates and the extremists. He is clearly set on taking every inch back and keep it in a tight grasp.

The true cost of the war, however, is something that might be impossible to predict at the moment. The regime has always claimed that its elaborate security apparatus was necessary to prevent extremist groups from gaining a foothold in Syria. At the moment al-Assad has managed to present himself as the defender of the Syrian people from the extremists and opportunists who would see an end to Syria if it were to serve their own goals. This had led to an increased popularity among the people, even among the people who became disillusioned with how the rebels' misconduct and mismanagement began to hurt the ideals of the Syrian Uprising. 

It could very well be that one of the causes for the Syrian Uprising could be enforced even harsher when the Assad regime regains control of Syria, leading to an all-out purge of any form of dissent against the regime. It is also unclear what kind of deals were made with its allies in exchange for the enormous amount of support in manpower, materials and logistics. It may very well be that in order for Syria's survival, al-Assad might have sold his soul and that of his country.

Hezbollah

Hezbollah has been very much dependant on the support it received from the Assad regime in terms of weapons, logistics, training and finances by acting as an access point for Iran to continue a strong presence in Lebanon and countering the Israeli influence there.

The fall of the Assad regime could have meant an end to this support as a government that looked more favourable towards the West and would not seek to continue to fund this terror organization, as designated by numerous western countries and regional allies. Hezbollah backing the Assad regime was there for a matter of survival, but of opportunity as well.

It was able to test its organization’s military capabilities by actively taking part in the fighting and launching offensives in a variety of combat zones across Syria. The experience it gained by doing this allowed the organization to boost its political presence in the region and more importantly, test out and adjust its tactics and strategies based on the successes it had in the field and send a clear signal to adversaries that it is still a force to be reckoned with.

Iran

Iran is one of the few countries that has actually managed to capitalize on the turmoil in the al-Sham region as has now more influence, both political and military, than (ever) before.

 It has (in)directly supported moves by the Shia communities to gain more political and military prominence in both theatres of war. In Iraq it was the main supporter for the Popular Mobilization Units that were eager to take the fight to ISIS forces when they were on the verge of breaking through to Baghdad. In Syria it was responsible for providing valuable strategic advice and supplementing elite Iranian forces to help turn the tide in several critical battles. One of Iran’s prominent generals and commander and of the al Quds force, Qasem Soleimani, has been Iran’s most valuable asset in the region as he was responsible for the most important offensives which Shia units launched successfully against both ISIS (in Iraq) and rebel forces (in Syria).

Iran aims to keep the Shia dominant minority in power at all costs as it has invested a lot of time and resources in the regime for its long-term strategic objectives in the region. It is there for more than likely that Iran will continue to support Assad in its efforts to regain control of the whole of Syria and therefor putting an end to the presence of western coalition forces in Syria. It has already begun its elaborate plan by launching an offensive in north-western Iraq with the help of PMU forces to gain control of an important military airbase to the south of Tal-Afar, which can be used as a launch point against future attacks across the Syrian-Iraqi border into northern Syria’s SDF territory, forcing them to fight on numerous fronts.

Iran is also moving on establishing closer ties with some of the nations in the Arabian Peninsula, which is basically its nemesis’ back yard. The Saudis have been fighting a war in Yemen for some time now and have little to show for it. Its forces have suffered embarrassing defeats at the hands of Yemeni fighters on the ground, but Saudi warplanes keep attacking Yemen’s populated areas resulting a high civilian casualties. The Saudis’ reputation has suffered internationally because of this.

Russia

Russia is the second country that managed to capitalize on the turmoil in the region as it has established itself as a prominent powerbroker in the regional theatre as well as on the international stage. Before that the country was basically ‘in the doghouse’.

Russia’s (for the most part) successful campaign has given Putin international prestige for acting decisively against international terror groups whereas the West was blamed for supporting the enemy of their enemy in order to get what they wanted, resulting in a loss of face and credibility as a major player in the conflict.

The war has also provided the Russian armed forces with a valuable opportunity to test their new equipment in a real battlefield and already suggestions for enhancements were made to make their equipment even more efficient in future warzones. It also saw the first Russian aircraft carrier of the Kuznetsov class perform in a theatre of war.

The participation in the Syrian Civil War has also provided Russia with a way to boost its economy as the new Russian hardware that is used on the battlefield, has attracted the attention of numerous would-be buyers, countries that before that were customers with western manufacturers. The cutting-edge technology and the battle performance of the newest Russian armoured vehicles and helicopters had a major impact on and off the battlefield.

Its alliance with the Syrian regime has also resulted in the agreement of having a permanent presence in the region as Russia will continue to have a military presence in the airbase and the naval base it currently uses, giving it a foothold in the Eastern Mediterranean Sea.

It is also very likely that Syria will become one of Russia’s most important trading partners in a post-conflict scenario as I think Russia will be one of the few suppliers of all the materials and hardware needed in the rebuilding effort. 





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If you have any questions, remarks or constructive feedback on the content or my writing, please do not hesitate to leave a comment. I would love to use this platform to interact with people to discuss topics like these and gain new perspectives and improve on my writing skills.