The Syrian
Civil war might be an absolute nightmare in terms of destruction, casualties and political complexity but it would seem that the major players in the conflict have their
own goals before they will make a
genuine effort to bring an end to the fighting.
There have
been some serious shifts in the balance of power during this conflict and at
the moment it seems that all parties involved are taking a moment to consider their next big move in order to force a breakthrough. This article
is aimed at giving an overview of the factions involved that have a lot to win and
lose.
The Assad-coalition:
The Assad-regime
The Assad regime consists of mainly a Shia minority (and members from other ethno-religious communities who have proven their loyalty) in the government and the broad security and military apparatus that was established back in the 70s when Hafez al-Assad took power.
The Assad-regime
The Assad regime consists of mainly a Shia minority (and members from other ethno-religious communities who have proven their loyalty) in the government and the broad security and military apparatus that was established back in the 70s when Hafez al-Assad took power.
The Assad
regime had to deal with numerous setbacks early on in the Syrian Uprising as
thousands of men that were called upon to return to the barracks and take up
arms against the rebels, refused to do so. They either joined the opposition groups or fled to neighbouring countries to avoid being drafted. What meagre forces that could be
mustered had to be bolstered with patriotic and opportunistic men who joined the
National Defence Forces and were given weapons to hold onto as much territory
as possible while the regime’s elite units were rushing from one crisis to
another. As much of
the country’s wealth is in the hands of the privileged few, many chose to back
the regime out of necessity and survival rather than duty since a defeat would result in the
loss of all their assets in Syria.
Its initial strategy to have a military presence in all corners of Syria in order to argue that it remains in control of its sovereign territory resulted in the Syrian Arab Forces being dispersed to a dangerous level. The regime was therefor forced to carefully pick and choose its battles to avoid losses that it could not replenish afterwards, or having to defend territory that it would not be able to hold. As the different opposition groups moved against Assad forces, it often came down to the commanders in the field to make the difference. For example, When Deir ez-Zour came under siege by the jihadists of the Islamic State and was under serious threat, republican guard general Issam Zahreddine was sent in to hold onto the city at all costs. His leadership skills and inspiring presence at the front lines helped the men under his command to hold onto the territory despite being under tremendous pressure. Another example is the commander of the now famous Tiger Forces, Suheil al-Hassan, his unwavering loyalty and leadership made him the ideal candidate to lead an elite unit that would be the deciding factor in numerous offensives across Syria, whether it was blocking an enemy offensive and reversing all their gains or spearheading an offensive.
Bashar al-Assad vowed to retake all of Syria
many times and now, with the backing of powerful regional and global powers, it
would seem that he is well on his way to do so. It seems unlikely that he will accept an agreement which would result in the division of Syrian territory or where he would be forced to share power with both moderates and the extremists. He is clearly set on taking every inch back and keep it in a tight grasp.
The true
cost of the war, however, is something that might be impossible to predict at
the moment. The regime has always claimed that its elaborate security apparatus
was necessary to prevent extremist groups from gaining a foothold in Syria. At the moment al-Assad has managed to present himself as the defender of the Syrian people from the extremists and opportunists who would see an end to Syria if it were to serve their own goals. This had led to an increased popularity among the people, even among the people who became disillusioned with how the rebels' misconduct and mismanagement began to hurt the ideals of the Syrian Uprising.
It
could very well be that one of the causes for the Syrian Uprising could
be enforced even harsher when the Assad regime regains control of Syria,
leading to an all-out purge of any form of dissent against the regime. It is also unclear what kind of deals were made with its allies in exchange for the enormous amount of support in manpower, materials and logistics. It may very well be that in order for Syria's survival, al-Assad might have sold his soul and that of his country.
Hezbollah
Hezbollah has been very much dependant on the support it received from the Assad regime in terms of weapons, logistics, training and finances by acting as an access point for Iran to continue a strong presence in Lebanon and countering the Israeli influence there.
The fall of the Assad regime could have meant an end to this support as a government that looked more favourable towards the West and would not seek to continue to fund this terror organization, as designated by numerous western countries and regional allies. Hezbollah backing the Assad regime was there for a matter of survival, but of opportunity as well.
It was able to test its organization’s military capabilities by actively taking part in the fighting and launching offensives in a variety of combat zones across Syria. The experience it gained by doing this allowed the organization to boost its political presence in the region and more importantly, test out and adjust its tactics and strategies based on the successes it had in the field and send a clear signal to adversaries that it is still a force to be reckoned with.
Hezbollah has been very much dependant on the support it received from the Assad regime in terms of weapons, logistics, training and finances by acting as an access point for Iran to continue a strong presence in Lebanon and countering the Israeli influence there.
The fall of the Assad regime could have meant an end to this support as a government that looked more favourable towards the West and would not seek to continue to fund this terror organization, as designated by numerous western countries and regional allies. Hezbollah backing the Assad regime was there for a matter of survival, but of opportunity as well.
It was able to test its organization’s military capabilities by actively taking part in the fighting and launching offensives in a variety of combat zones across Syria. The experience it gained by doing this allowed the organization to boost its political presence in the region and more importantly, test out and adjust its tactics and strategies based on the successes it had in the field and send a clear signal to adversaries that it is still a force to be reckoned with.
Iran
Iran is one
of the few countries that has actually managed to capitalize on the turmoil in
the al-Sham region as has now more influence, both political and military, than
(ever) before.
It has (in)directly supported moves by the Shia communities to gain more political and military prominence in both theatres of war. In Iraq it was the main supporter for the Popular Mobilization Units that were eager to take the fight to ISIS forces when they were on the verge of breaking through to Baghdad. In Syria it was responsible for providing valuable strategic advice and supplementing elite Iranian forces to help turn the tide in several critical battles. One of Iran’s prominent generals and commander and of the al Quds force, Qasem Soleimani, has been Iran’s most valuable asset in the region as he was responsible for the most important offensives which Shia units launched successfully against both ISIS (in Iraq) and rebel forces (in Syria).
It has (in)directly supported moves by the Shia communities to gain more political and military prominence in both theatres of war. In Iraq it was the main supporter for the Popular Mobilization Units that were eager to take the fight to ISIS forces when they were on the verge of breaking through to Baghdad. In Syria it was responsible for providing valuable strategic advice and supplementing elite Iranian forces to help turn the tide in several critical battles. One of Iran’s prominent generals and commander and of the al Quds force, Qasem Soleimani, has been Iran’s most valuable asset in the region as he was responsible for the most important offensives which Shia units launched successfully against both ISIS (in Iraq) and rebel forces (in Syria).
Iran aims
to keep the Shia dominant minority in power at all costs as it has invested a
lot of time and resources in the regime for its long-term strategic objectives
in the region. It is there
for more than likely that Iran will continue to support Assad in its efforts to
regain control of the whole of Syria and therefor putting an end to the
presence of western coalition forces in Syria. It has already begun its
elaborate plan by launching an offensive in north-western Iraq with the help of
PMU forces to gain control of an important military airbase to the south of
Tal-Afar, which can be used as a launch point against future attacks across the
Syrian-Iraqi border into northern Syria’s SDF territory, forcing them to fight
on numerous fronts.
Iran is
also moving on establishing closer ties with some of the nations in the Arabian
Peninsula, which is basically its nemesis’ back yard. The Saudis have been
fighting a war in Yemen for some time now and have little to show for it. Its
forces have suffered embarrassing defeats at the hands of Yemeni fighters on
the ground, but Saudi warplanes keep attacking Yemen’s populated areas
resulting a high civilian casualties. The Saudis’ reputation has suffered
internationally because of this.
Russia
Russia is
the second country that managed to capitalize on the turmoil in the region as
it has established itself as a prominent powerbroker in the regional theatre as
well as on the international stage. Before that the country was basically ‘in
the doghouse’.
Russia’s
(for the most part) successful campaign has given Putin international prestige
for acting decisively against international terror groups whereas the West was
blamed for supporting the enemy of their enemy in order to get what they
wanted, resulting in a loss of face and credibility as a major player in the
conflict.
The war has
also provided the Russian armed forces with a valuable opportunity to test
their new equipment in a real battlefield and already suggestions for
enhancements were made to make their equipment even more efficient in future
warzones. It also saw the first Russian aircraft carrier of the Kuznetsov class
perform in a theatre of war.
The
participation in the Syrian Civil War has also provided Russia with a way to
boost its economy as the new Russian hardware that is used on the battlefield,
has attracted the attention of numerous would-be buyers, countries that before
that were customers with western manufacturers. The cutting-edge technology and
the battle performance of the newest Russian armoured vehicles and helicopters
had a major impact on and off the battlefield.
Its
alliance with the Syrian regime has also resulted in the agreement of having a
permanent presence in the region as Russia will continue to have a military
presence in the airbase and the naval base it currently uses, giving it a
foothold in the Eastern Mediterranean Sea.
It is also
very likely that Syria will become one of Russia’s most important trading
partners in a post-conflict scenario as I think Russia will be one of the few
suppliers of all the materials and hardware needed in the rebuilding effort.
= = = = = = = =
= = = = = = = =
If you have any questions, remarks or constructive feedback on the content or my writing, please do not hesitate to leave a comment. I would love to use this platform to interact with people to discuss topics like these and gain new perspectives and improve on my writing skills.
No comments:
Post a Comment